The vital importance of the Vrba-Wetzler Report can be better appreciated when one understands how many others attempted to report on the concentration camps and essentially failed to raise the alarm. Nearly all attempts to blow the whistle on the Holocaust, prior to the Vrba-Wetzler Report, were met with disbelief. 

Herewith, is a roster summary of some noteworthy escapees from Auschwitz I or Auschwitz II [Birnenau] prior to the ultimately successful escape made by whistleblowers Vrba & Wetzler in early April of 1944, as well as some information on four Jews who escaped later from the Buna-Monowitz compound of Auschwitz III.

The failure of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt to act upon the extensive, eye-witness reportage of Jan Karski after their one-hour-and-forty-minute meeting at the White House on July 28, 1943 is rarely addressed because, as window dressing, he eventually established the consistently negligent War Refugees Board, an organization that dedicated itself to doing almost nothing to benefit the Jews of the world, masquerading as a concerned sounding board under the de facto management of an unelected bureaucrat, John J. McCloy. [See the part of this website entitled Desk Murderer for more info.]

TADEUSZ WIEJOWSKI

According to the Auschwitz-Birkenau Museum, the first person to escape from the first rudimentary camp at Auschwitz was a Pole named Tadeusz Wiejowski during its first month of operation. Born in Kołaczyce on May 4, 1914, Wiejowski was a professional shoemaker who was arrested by the Germans in a group of 728 prisoners that was sent to Auschwitz on June 14, 1940. He was therefore accorded the prisoner #220. Disguised as a village labourer, he escaped on July 6, 1940 when he accompanied members of the Polish resistance movement who were themselves hired as local “civilian workers” for the nascent site.

Tadeusz Wiejowski, the first person to escape Auschwitz, was recorded as prisoner #220. (click)

In the aftermath of Wiejowski’s successful escape, in the early years of Auschwitz, camp officials tried to prevent escape attempts by enforcing an edict of collective responsibility–sometimes killing one-tenth of those associated in any superficial way with the escapee. The Polish underground inside and outside the camp, as a result, soon adopted a policy of not assisting in escape attempts until 1943–by which time camp authorities stopped punishing families of escapees as well as their comrades in the camp. Once someone did manage to successfully escape, however, the Polish underground would assist. [Administrative changes for less cruelty towards the general prison populace following an escape attempt coincided with the arrival of Arthur Liebehenschel to replace Rudolf Hoess as Kommandant of Auschwitz I. He also shortened roll calls, stopped routine ‘selections’ and the use of the barbaric ‘standing cells’ and sleep deprivation, released many prisoners from Block 11 and greatly reduced the number of executions against the Black Wall.]

The Auschwitz Museum has succinctly summarized the first known escape: “On the day of the escape, the workers, with whom he had established contact beforehand, provided him with civilian outfit and a green armband they were obliged to wear. When the working day was over, Wiejowski put on the clothes he received and left the camp with the civilians. Together with them he reached the train station, from where he managed to leave in a freight train. After some time he reached his home village of Kołaczyce, where he remained in hiding for over a year. In the autumn of 1941, he was arrested and incarcerated in prison in Jasło; during interrogation he was not identified as an escapee from Auschwitz.

“According to the account of one of the guards, Wiejowski was supposedly transported with other arrestees to prison in Gorlice. However, he never reached this institution and was probably shot in one of the inactive oil wells near Jasło. After Wiejowski was reported missing in the camp, the prisoners were lined up for the roll call which lasted from 6 p.m. to about 2 p.m. the next day–without interruption, without any food. They had to stand at attention or squat with their hands on the nape of their neck. Each movement was punished with a beating by the SS men and prisoner functionaries.

“Another form of punishment was the prohibition to leave the row in order to satisfy physiological needs. Numerous prisoners were not able to withstand this situation and relieved themselves as they were standing, which constituted a pretext for further harassment. The evening of July 6 and the forenoon of the next day were sunny and hot, while the night exceptionally cold. Some prisoners suffered sunstroke, others experienced skin burns or swelling; many of them passed out or had a nervous breakdown. During the roll call, those prisoners who worked or were accommodated together with Wiejowski were called in for questioning by the functionaries of the camp Gestapo. As a result of the investigation, combined with beating and tortures, five civilian workers and eleven prisoners accused of providing the escapee with assistance were arrested and incarcerated in the basement of Block 13 (11 after the change in numeration).

“Rudolf Höss, commandant of the camp, initially requested them to be shot. However, Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler sentenced the civilian workers to flogging–75 lashes. After the punishment was executed, they were to be incarcerated for the period of five years in the concentration camp. [Instead] The prisoners received the punishment of 25 lashes and a transfer to a different camp for three years. Eventually, the first group was incarcerated in Mauthausen, while the second in Flossenbürg. From the [first] group of five workers only Bolesław Bicz survived the camp, but he died shortly after the war; whereas the majority of the [other] eleven prisoners lived to see the liberation.”

Arrival and Departure (1943) by Arthur Koestler is one of the first Holocaust novels. 

Death Camp (1942) by Natalia Zarembina is one of the first Holocaust chronicles (Click to see her photo.)

It should also be noted that in December of 1942, journalist Natalia Zarembina (1895-1973), in occupied Warsaw, published anonymously what is often cited as the first book about Auschwitz, Obóz śmierci, based mainly on reports from three former inmates. The following year it was published from London as Auschwitz: The Camp of Death and soon appeared in six other languages. It was available in New York as of March, 1944.  Zarembina was active in the Polish Socialist Party and the “Zegota” Council for Aid to Jews. She fled Poland in 1946 but returned in the late 1960s and died in Warsaw.

THE CAR THIEVES

On June 20, 1942, one of the most famous escapes from Auschwitz occurred when four prisoners managed to disguise themselves in SS uniforms and drive out through the gates in a vehicle belonging to the camp’s second-in-command.

One of those escapees, prisoner #918, Kazimierz Piechowski, would take with him a detailed but little-known report to the Polish Home Army furnished by Witold Pilecki about what had been seen and experienced in Auschwitz. The Polish trio of Kazimierz (“Kazik”) Piechowski (prisoner #918), Second Lieutenant and underground member Stanislaw Gustaw Jaster and priest Józef Lempart of Wadowice, were accompanied by the Ukrainian auto mechanic Eugeniusz Bendera who crucially worked in the Hauptwirtschaftslager Kommando [aka the HWL-main SS garrison equipment repository]. It was Bendera who hatched the escape plan with Piechowski, possibly after Bendera received some information that his days might be numbered, and it was Bendera who stole the car with a duplicate key from the Nazis’ garage. With some stolen SS uniforms, the quartet were bolstered by the knowledge that they were escaping within the fastest car in Auschwitz, a luxury Steyr 220, supposedly belonging to Auschwitz camp commandant SS-Obersturmbannführer Rudolf Franz Ferdinand Höss (May 1940-November 1943). In fact, according to Auschwitz inmate-turned-historian Garliński, it was actually the vehicle mostly used by SS Captain Kreuzma.

As the armed quartet drove out the main gate, two or three of them (accounts differ) were fully dressed as members of the SS-Totenkopfverbande. Piechowski was fluent in German. Seeing the uniforms, the SS-man at the gate omitted the formality of checking for passes; instead he quickly lifted the barrier pole, saluted and shouted Heil Hitler. The luxury vehicle subsequently made its way through the local village, crossed the bridge over the Sola River and headed north before it was abandoned. When the foursome reached the neighborhood of Stary Sacz, they changed into civilian clothes and Jaster went his own way, heading for Warsaw to deliver Pilecki’s report. The audacious escapees were never recaptured. Born in 1906, Bendera returned to his birthplace of Przedborz, divorced in 1959 and moved to Warsaw where he died on July 7, 1988. His daughter Karolina Bendera became a film director.

RACZNYSKI’S NOTE

As well, the Polish government-in-exile issued a brochure about the Nazi death camps, The Mass Extermination of Jews in German Occupied Poland (1943) to disseminate the text of “Raczyński’s Note of 10 December 1942”, a diplomatic note from Minister of Foreign Affairs Edward Raczyński [photo below] that was sent to the foreign ministers of the Allies. With the findings of Jan Karski, it identified Treblinka, Belzec and Sobibor as extermination camps, making it the first “official diplomatic note” on the Holocaust. As the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs in the cabinet of Wladyslaw Sikorski from July of 1941 to July of 1943, he alerted the Allies with accurate accounts of the Holocaust sent to “the Governments of the United Nations on 10 December 1942”. His pleas for intervention fell on deaf ears. Count Edward Bernard Raczyński would eventually become the oldest living Polish president from age 88 to 95.

UNHERALDED HALINA

Halina Krahelska

Kurt Gerstein

First-hand testimony about the Ravensbrück concentration camp for women was rendered by Halina Krahelska, before she died there on April 19, 1945, only eleven days before the liberation of the camp. Born in 1892 in Odessa, she was twice arrested as a socialist revolutionary (in Kiev) before being sentenced to life imprisonment in Siberia (as Halina Sleszyński). There she relied on the support of her first husband Jozef Grabianka, who travelled to Siberia, until they could return to Europe during the tumult of the Russian revolution. After her husband died of typhus in 1919, she proceeded to become one of Europe’s most effective and enduring feminists until the Gestapo arrested her for socialist activities in 1944. Also a novelist, she joined the Polish resistance or Home Army (Armia Krajowa). Her sister Krystyna Krahelska was a poet and resistance fighter who died during the Warsaw Uprising in 1944.

THE LONE NAZI WHISTLEBLOWER

When he witnessed the gassing of 3,000 Jews at Belzec, as well as mass murder at Treblinka on the following day, the Waffen SS officer Kurt Gerstein had already been appalled by the murder of his sister-in-law in keeping with a Nazi euthanasia program for the mentally ill. Gerstein subsequently reported Holocaust atrocities to a Swedish diplomat in Berlin, Goran von Otter, but the Swedish Foreign Ministry failed to pass along these revelations to the Allies. Gerstein also pleaded in vain with the Dutch underground to send his reportage to London. His attempted heroism has been well-publicized as the subject of a biography, A Spy for God (1971), a Costa-Gavras film, Amen (2002) and a play by Schindler’s List author Thomas Keneally, Either Or (2007), that debuted in Washington, D.C.

You can read parts of The Gerstein Report here. 

POLISH ESCAPEES, PILECKI & TABEAU

Witold Pilecki

Jerzy Tabeau

Polish prisoners could escape far more easily than Jews.

Witold Pilecki and Jerzy Tabeau were the most noteworthy, along with the aforementioned Karski.

If Rudolf Vrba has any rival for “most extraordinary Holocaust hero,” it’s Witold Pilecki (pronounced Piletski in English) who was possibly the only person who ever volunteered to be captured in order to infiltrate Auschwitz.

Having already fought as a Polish cavalryman in 1920, Pilecki adopted the pseudonym Tomasz Serafiński and allowed himself to be captured during a street roundup in Warsaw on September 19, 1940. After two days of torture and interrogation, he succeeded in being transported to Auschwitz where his goal was to instigate a rebellion by the inmates.

As Auschwitz prisoner #4859, Serafiński/Pilecki is credited with co-founding the camp resistance. He then succeeded in sending secret messages to the Polish government-in-exile in London. In his foreword to Witold’s Report from Auschwitz (2016), Mariusz Blaszczak, Minister of Interior and Administration of the Republic of Poland, states, “Pilecki smuggled out several brief reports from Auschwitz in 1940, 1941 and 1942, and after his escape in 1943. He describes his own entrance to Auschwitz as the moment when he ‘left behind everything he was familiar with on earth and stepped into somewhere beyond it.’”

Pilecki’s original manuscript

The stories of how Witold Pilecki’s Auschwitz chronicles reached the outside world are also remarkable. According to Józef Garliński in Fighting Auschwitz, a 1974 account that tends to glorify Polish resistance to the Nazis, Pilecki’s first report about Auschwitz was delivered orally by an unnamed “released prisoner” (no details) in November of 1940. An unnamed courier then took a written version of the report, ‘The Camp at Auschwitz’, to the Anna base in Stockholm; this reportage was then sent to the VIth (Sixth) Bureau of the Polish Government-in-Exile in London on March 2, 1941.

The gist of the contents of Pilecki’s initial report were then made known to the British as well as the FDR administration of the still-neutral United States, hence FDR should been aware of the Holocaust even  before he met with Jan Karski, as outlined at the outset. Garliński further states that Pilecki eventually received confirmation that his reportage had reached London from Polish prisoners who arrived at Auschwitz from the Pawiak prison in Warsaw, thereby emboldening Pilecki to continue is efforts in the underground resistance.

Pilecki was able to survive inside the original Auschwitz I camp for a month as a male nurse in the camp hospital. Initially, in 1941, it was still possible for relatives to successfully gain the release of non-Jewish prisoners. Garliński states that Pilecki persuaded a young boy named Tadeusz Burksi to relay reportage after his sisters had successfully gained his release at the outset of February in 1941; more significantly, Wladyslaw Szpakowski was able to smuggle out an extensive, written report from Pilecki on March 7, 1941 after Szpakowski’s had obtained his release through the Swedish consulate.

Led by Pilecki, the underground managed to establish a radio receiver hidden under the linoleum floor of the office of a German SS doctor. According to Garliński, “the aerial was joined to the telephone wires connecting Block No. 23 and Block No. 28… At night, after the SS-men had left the camp, communiques were listened to from the distant fronts.” Garliński later claimed that according to “oral evidence” provided by a underground member Henryk Bartosiewicz, “The monitoring service in the hospital worked efficiently and Pilecki, with his nearest co-workers, received the latest radio news every day.” According to the Auschwitz Musuem, it was also Bartosiewicz who somehow smuggled in a small Christmas tree for room 7 in Block no. 25, for Christmas of 1941, whereupon Witold Pilecki adorned it with a White Eagle carved from a turnip.

Pilecki further expanded the underground resistance when he was transferred to work within the Carpenter’s Workshop, then within the Tannery Workshop. Due to the dreadful consequences for failed escape attempts, Pilecki wrote, as follows: “At the time we, as an organization, took up a definitely negative attitude to escapes. We did not organize any escapes and we condemned any step in this direction as a sign of extreme selfishness, until the position altered fundamentally in this respect. For the time being all escapes were ‘wild-cat’ affairs and had nothing to do with our organization.”

Nonetheless, in May 16, 1942, Pilecki’s underground co-worker Stefan Bielecki succeeded in escaping from the sub-camp of Harmeze and delivering a report written by Pilecki. It is seldom noted that Bielecki escaped with Wincenty Gawron, a graphic artist, who was born on January 28, 1908 in Stara Wieś near Limanowa. The men split up but neither were caught. Gawron eventually came to Canada before settling in Chicago where he established the Józef Piłsudski Museum of the Polish Army in his home and wrote a memoir, The Auschwitz Volunteer, dedicated to the memory of Cavalry Captain Witold Pilecki.

Some Pilecki’s reportage was smuggled by four escapees in June of 1942. See THE CAR THIEVES section below.

Kazimierz Pietchowski Prisoner 918

The SS-men got wind of the radio transmitter, searched for it furiously in the summer of 1942, but never found it. The set was dismantled by Pilecki’s underground associates in the autumn of 1942 because, by then, it was determined that too many prisoners in the camp knew about it. By then they had established an alternate radio system. Eventually, Witold Pilecki himself escaped with Jan Redzej and Edward Cieliczko in April of 1943. They did so at night by over-powering guards, taking their papers and cutting telephone wires. A few days later Pilecki reported to the Polish resistance and presented his plan to attack Auschwitz. His plan was rejected by his military superiors but his reportage on Auschwitz had crucially reached the Polish government-in-exile in London, thereby empowering them to pressure the government of Winston Churchill to take action well before the Vrba-Wetzler Report. It is worth noting, however, that details from Pilecki’s reportage on Auschwitz were published by the underground representatives of the Polish government-in-exile in Warsaw within their bulletin, Informacja Bieżąca, so the true nature of Auschwitz was not a secret to many individuals in two major European capitals.

Witold Pilecki. Photo from this document Pilecki’s Report

Pilecki participated in the Warsaw Uprising and was a P.O.W. at Lamsdorf & Murnau camps, only to be executed by the Russians in Warsaw in 1948. His place of burial remains unknown. His reportage known as Pilecki’s Report was finally published in 2000, reconstructed by Adam Cyra for his book Rotmistrz Pilecki. Ochotnik do Auschwitz. An English version was released in 2012 as The Auschwitz Volunteer: Beyond Bravery. Jan Redzej, who escaped from Auschwitz with Pilecki, made his own report that is seldom cited.

[Born in Kiev (in Poland/later Ukraine) in 1913, the historian Józef Garliński was in Auschwitz for six months (starting in May of 1943) before he was transferred to Neuengamme. Before he was captured by German army, Garliński had been active in the resistance forces in 1942 when he received a report of a young man who had been released from Auschwitz. Garliński later recalled: “In 1941, in spring about 80 young men were released from Auschwitz, sent back to Warsaw. Later on they stopped this… One of them has [had] written a report [on] what’s going on in Auschwitz. I had the report in my hand in 1942, end of 1942… I didn’t believe this report although I [had] spent already two years under German occupation… What [did] Germans want to achieve? Cruelty to people, starving them to death, doing thousands of idiotic things without any sense and without any advantage for themselves, without achieving anything.  In the second part of the war in each concentration camp there are armament factories. They started to use prisoners as workers. This had sense. But to be cruel to thousands of people, asking them to do idiotic jobs, behaving like animals, starving them to death, sounds rather nonsense. It was a mental asylum. When I arrived in Auschwitz I didn’t believe my own eyes [that] this is possible.” Garliński was interviewed in England in 1989; the U.S. Holocaust Museum acquired a copy of the interview from Imperial War Museum in 1995.]

*

The Polish medical student Jerzy Tabeau, prisoner #27273, was registered in Auschwitz under the pseudonym Jerzy Wesołowski (Wesełowski) on March 26, 1942. He escaped from Auschwitz on November 19, 1943 with Roman Cieliczko, prisoner #27089, and Kazimirez Halori by short-circuiting an electrified barbed wire fence before cutting through it. He went to Zakopane and onto Kraków, where he contacted the Polish underground. Between December 1943 and January 1944, Tabeau compiled a document that would be misleadingly dubbed The Polish Major’s Report when it reached Switzerland and was duplicated with a stencil machine in Geneva in August of 1944.

This 19-page document was included with the Vrba-Wetzler Report for The Auschwitz Protocols, the whistleblowers’ compendium that finally convinced the outside world it could no longer entirely ignore the extent of mass murder in Auschwitz. Tabeau became a medical professor and a well-known cardiologist in Kraków. He died in 2002. Tabeau’s unprecedented reportage estimated the death toll at Auschwitz was 1.5 million by the time he escaped. This estimate jives with with Vrba-Wetzler estimate of 1.75 million made in April, 1944. Tabeau’s colleague Cieliczko (or Ciesielski) wrote a separate report that was far less influential. Click here to read Tabeau’s testimony to the Kraków District Commission for the Investigation of German Crimes in 1947.

OTHER ESCAPES

A cumulative history of Auschwitz escapes remains a global work-in-progress. Seemingly, none of the thousands of academics studying the Holocaust have got around to making an authoritative book on this subject as 2020–hence the necessity of providing at least some sort of fallible overview on this website.

On June 10, 1942, fifty prisoners tasked with digging a drainage ditch attacked their SS guards; simultaneously, other prisoners ran towards a nearby forest. Some thirteen prisoners were shot, thirty more were recaptured–but nine managed to escape. This story was validated by Zenon Rozanski in his memoir, Caps Off . . .: A Report from the Punishment Company (SK) of the KZ Auschwitz, (first published in Hanover in 1948, later translated by Christine C. Schnusenberg in 2013). One of these escapees named August Kowalczyk reached the village of Bojszowy Dolne near Bierun, whereupon Helena Stupka helped him hide at an estate in the Miechow area. She and Zygmunt Urbanczyk also helped the fugitives Kazimierz Jarzebowski, Stanislaw Chybinski and Florian Basinski (aka Jozef Rotter) after they escaped on May 20, 1943 and were hidden in the Porabka area, according to historian Henryk Swiebocki.

*

In October of 1942, when Russian prisoners were sent outside the prison confines to help the SS search for an escapee, this afforded an opportunity the Russian captives to overthrow one of the guard towers and flee into the woods. Thereafter, the procedures by which the Auschwitz Birkenau guards searched for prisoners were subject to much stricter protocols. Search parties with Alsatian dogs caused far less trouble and were far more effective.

*

Roma escapee Vinzent Daniel joins one of a rising number of Auschwitz inmates who has had prison registration photos colourized and posted on the internet.

According to the Auschwitz Museum, 23,000 Roma were transported to Auschwitz at the behest of Himmler. Some 2,000 were murdered without entering the camp; 19,000 more died of disease or were murdered in the gas chambers. One of the few Roma (gypsies) known to have escaped was Vinzent Daniel who was arrested in Prague and brought to Auschwitz in April of 1942. About a month later, he escaped by running through a drainage pond and disappearing into some woods, stripping off his prison clothes as he ran, vanishing into the trees in his underwear. Daniel’s fate remains a mystery.

*

KAZINIERZ HALOń

Kazimierz Hałoń is buried with his wife, Irene Hałoń

On February 10, 1943, as prisoner #20687, Kazimierz Hałoń gained the distinction of being the first person whose escape from Auschwitz Birkenau was coordinated by the camp’s Polish underground.

Born on May 5, 1915 in Brzeszcze as the son of Piotr and Maria (nee’ Malinowska) Hałoń, he grew up in a working class family, apprenticing as a coal miner at age 15, then hoping to become a locksmith before he was called for military service in February of 1937. He was first captured by the Nazis in 1939 while fighting as an artilleryman alongside his countryman Jozef Cyrankiewicz, during a march to Romania. After Kazimierz escaped from prison, he returned to Brzeszcze, then made his way to Krakow where the Polish Socialist Party supplied him with new identity papers as Kazimierz Wrona.

In the Shadow of Auschwitz by Hałoń

While en route to Sosnowiec, he was re-arrested by the Nazis in the summer of 1941 and sent to Auschwitz where, as Prisoner #20687, he once more crossed paths with Cyrankiewicz. The Polish underground made plans for the pair to escape with wigs and workman’s overalls until the Nazis recognized Cyrankiewicz was politically dangerous and made him wear the letters I.L., short for Im Lager, and his movements were restricted inside the camp.

Hałoń subsequently escaped alone on February 10, 1943 and provided important reportage to the Krakow Socialist Party. He secretly published six articles in the secret socialist journal Wolność and eventually released a 1996 autobiography, In Work and Struggle – Memories, [also listed as “At Work and in Battle. Memoirs] before he died on August 26, 2000 in Krakow. The older brother of social activist and academic Edward Hałoń, he is buried at the Batowice cemetery alongside his wife Irena Hałoń née Korzeniak (July 7, 1926 – March 18, 2018).

*

After he became Auschwitz prisoner #6810 in December of 1940, Stanisław Chybiński was involved with two other prisoners, Kazimierz Jarzębowski and Józef Rotter (aka Florian Basiński), in a successful escape on May 20, 1943 that required an SS guard to be drugged with sleeping pills and vodka. Chybiński soon afterwards wrote a report later entitled Snapshots from Auschwitz. His experience in the construction industry in Poland prior to the war enabled him to work in surveying and building activities for the Nazis in and around Auschwitz. The trio was outside the Auschwitz gates when they escaped from a work crew near the villages of Skidziń and Wilczkowice, about two miles southeast of Brzeszcze and five miles southwest of Oświęcim (Auschwitz).

Stanisław Chybiński

According the following translation of a posting from a Polish website in 2021, Stanisław Chybiński was born in Kiev on December 20, 1905. His parents were Jan Chybiński and Ludwika Chybiński (née Falęcka). “After the Polish-Soviet War, he returned to Polish as a repatriate. Before the outbreak of the war, he became a co-owner of a construction company in Warsaw (Przedsiębiorstwo Budowalne Eng. Hubert i S-ka). In 1940, he attempted to cross the Slovak border in order to reach Hungary and France. He was captured and imprisoned in Jasło, and then in Tarnów. In December 1940, he was transported to the Auschwitz camp, where he was given the number 6810. He worked in the commando of meters, which enabled him to establish contacts with the civilian population. The arrest of the BCh liaison officer Helena Płotnicka and her imprisonment in the camp made him decide to escape. It was organized in May 1943 by the Committee for Aid to Political Prisoners of the Auschwitz Camp at the ZWZ/AK, operating under the leadership of Helena Stupkowa. The prisoners gave the SS man guarding them vodka with a sleeping pill, which made it easier for him and two other prisoners, Kazimierz Jarzębowski and Józef Rotter, to leave the measurement area. The partisans prepared a sketch with the escape route, civilian clothes and kept vigil on the appointed day for the fugitives who were led to Międzybrodzie, to the house of Andrzej Harat’s sister Anna. This is how Zygmunt Urbańczyk “Zagłoba”, who cooperated with Stupkowa, remembered these moments.”

Another Polish website states: “The three prisoners felt threatened because Helena Płotnicka, a liaison officer associated with the Peasant Battalions, with whom they remained in contact, had been arrested. During their measurement work in Skidziń and Wilczkowice, they offered a drink to the SS guard guarding them, to which they added sleeping powder. They escaped after the SS man fell asleep. They took the briefcase with them and then handed it over to Andrzej Harat from Libiąż, who was then active in the Bielsko Inspectorate of the Home Army as an acting inspector. After his escape, he prepared this shelter for the fugitives at his sister Anna Harat in Międzybrodzie Żywieckie. Stanisław Chybiński, being under her care, was secretly ordered to prepare his biography and memories from the period of imprisonment in Auschwitz. In the summer of 1943, he wrote an extensive report on this subject, entitled “Pictures from Auschwitz”, which was handed over to the underground authorities of the Home Army.”

On June 25, 1943, the Nazis at Auschwitz shot 11 prisoners from the surveyors’ unit who ostensibly knew knew, or could have known about, the escape. A further twelve members of the “Meter Commando” were hanged at a collective gallows at Auschwitz on July 19, 1943. Their names were Zbigniew Foltański, Józef Gancarz, Mieczysław Kulikowski, Czesław Marcisz, Bogusław Ohrt, Leon Rajzer, Tadeusz Rapacz, Edmund Sikorski, Janusz Pogonowski (in the Skrzetuski camp), Stanisław Stawiński, Józef Wojtyga and Jerzy Woźniak. Wojtyga was a graduate of the Faculty of Construction at the Lviv Polytechnic. Their photos appear in a row on a permanent memorial on the present-day Auschwitz site. They were executed after the evening roll call at Block 11 after having been imprisoned there since May due to the escape of their three colleaugues and their suspected links to the Polish Resistence movement.

In Fighting Auschwitz, Jozef Garlinski’s 1974 book about the virtues of a Polish resistance movement within Auschwitz, a claim is made on page 229 (of the British paperback version) that so many Poles escaped from Auschwitz that 21 ex-prisoners of Auschwitz served as a single partisan unit in the vicinity of Auschwitz. This claim is now being repeated as truth on the internet even though few of the alleged 21 escapees are named.

The leader of this partisan unit that operated in the Auschwitz vicinity, code-named Garbnik (also the name of a village in northern Poland), was Lt. Józef Barcikowski who had escaped from Auschwitz with Zdzislaw Walczak on October 23, 1944. They had done so largely because discipline and morale within the ranks of the Auschwitz guards was in rapid decline. By late 1944, when Barcikowski escaped, Himmler gave orders for the tell-tale gas chambers to be blown up prior to the liberation of Auschwitz by the Red Army on January 27, 1945.

Barcikowski was a rare survivor of the infamous Block 11 punishment block largely due to efforts of his co-escapee, Zdzislaw Walczak, prisoner #39543, who had been apprehended in Krakow on June 10, 1942. Walczak succeeded in bribing a block supervisor and then integrating Barcikowski into a surveying unit that took them both beyond the gates. By this stage, most guards were more concerned with plotting their own escapes from culpability rather than maintaining strict codes of SS discipline.

Also, according to the Auschwitz Museum, in mid-1944, two seldom-heralded escapees named Konstanty Jagiełło and Tomasz Sobański sent secret messages to the Cracow PPS organization, along with maps of the camps and SS deployments, but their reportage was never circulated widely during the war.

*

Known in the camp as Stanislaw Okrzeja, Stanislaw Jasinski reputedly escaped on June 20, 1944 and made his way to Warsaw to fight in the uprising.

*

Known in the camp as Boleslaw Limanowski, Col. Franciszek Faix reputedly escaped on July 6, 1944 and managed to reach Krakow and therefore joined the Resistance.

*

According to the Auschwitz Museum:

“On the night of September 11/12, 1944, Jawischowitz sub-camp prisoner Kazimierz Szwemberg, a Pole, escaped while working at the coalmine with the help of Brzeszcze PPS couriers. He went into hiding with the Nikiel family in Skidziń, before being smuggled to Cracow. From there, he joined the PPS Teodor partisan unit and fought until liberation…

“It has been established so far that 928 prisoners attempted to escape from the Auschwitz camp complex-878 men and 50 women. The Poles were the most numerous among them-their number reached 439 (with 11 women among them). The next big groups were the citizens of the Soviet Union, 213 persons in total: 158 prisoners (including 19 women) and 55 prisoners of war, as well as Jews-150 persons (including 4 women). Reichsdeutsche (Germans and Austrians) were also attempting escapes-49 (40 men and 9 women); Sinti and Roma (in the camp marked as Zigeuner, Gypsy)-41 (39 and 2 respectively); Czechs-26 (22 and 4); Hungarians-4; and one Dutchman and one Yugoslavian female prisoner. In addition, there were 6 escapees the nationality of whom had not been determined. For 196 prisoners the escape finished with success.”

Listen to the Jerzy Tabeau Interview here.

Click here to read the facsimile of The Polish Major’s Report excerpted from the much larger report, “German Extermination Camps,” declassified in 1964.

You can read the the complete German Concentration Camps Report here, from the FDR Library.

Look at the PDF of the booklet, “The Mass Extermination of Jews in German Occupied Poland,” published on Behalf of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (the Polish government-in-exile) in 1943.

*

The Other Slovakian — Dionys Lenard

Žilina Jews obeying orders from Hlinka Guards. Jewish businesses were Aryanized (forced to accept non-Jewish owner/management). In September of 1941, the “Jewish Codex” further limited civil rights and movement, men were apprehended for forced labor and all Jews had to wear a yellow star.

 

This is what the ovens of Majdanek looked like when Russian soldiers liberated the camp. 

Every transport of Jews from Slovakia to Auschwitz passed through the town of Žilina, located 169 kilometres northeast of Bratislava. Initially, its mayor and town council objected when an abandoned military barracks on Rajenka Road was selected as the site for a transit concentration camp as of March 21, 1942. A different military barracks was selected, surrounded by an electrified, barbed wire fence, but, with a very limited water supply, up to 1,200 prisoners would be held in cramped and unsanitary conditions. There was one small latrine. A survivor named Alex Hochhauser would recall, “poverty, filth and desperate faces of starving people… Fleas and lice and atrocities from the side of the HG [Hlinka Guard] were preconditions of hell in Auschwitz.”

Some 300 others could be detained in nearby horse stables. Bribery of guards was common. The deportation lists could be altered for a price. If the well-to-do could pay to be released, more Jews could be rounded up to replace them for a scheduled shipment. In this way the local Jewish Council could collaborate with the camp command, adjusting the lists of names. Juraj Klein was the main liaison between privileged Jews and the Nazis. Klein would be hanged for collaboration and profiteering after the war. It was this degree of corruption and deceit that would lead Rudolf Vrba to conclude that many Jewish Councils had been complicit during the Holocaust—an assessment that was so alarming that Vrba would be deep-sixed by most establishment historians in Israel and at Yad Vashem for daring to speak the truth.

Most of the 19 transports that left Žilina went to Auschwitz; seven went to the Lublin region. Usually these trains left at 3:20 a.m., for obvious reasons, and reached the border town of Cadca about an hour later. Adults were allowed to take up to 50 kilograms of luggage onto the trains. The HG [Hlinka Guard] relinquished control of the prisoners to the Nazis at the border. It has been recorded that 26,384 Jews made this journey under the cover of night until the Žilina camp was liquidated on October 24, 1942. Thereafter, Jews who were detained would be transferred mainly to the camps at Sered or Novaky.

At war’s end, the Slovak who had been appointed by the HG to manage the concentration camp at Žilina, Rudolf Marcek, a former teacher, admitted in National Court hearings that bullying, intimidation and physical abuse were rampant within his administration—and bribes were common. He admitted bribes commonly ranged between 500 and 20,000 Ks [Kroners]. HG guards could be bribed with liquor to facilitate an escape. Consequently, rich Jews could frequently save themselves. At 17, Rudolf Vrba was no fool. He knew that deportation was life-threatening, the Jewish Council was prone to collusion and rich Jews had an advantage. Hence, he announced to his mother that he would refuse to follow orders and allow himself to be deported like cattle. A memorial book by Haim Gordon, The Rise and Decline of the Jewish Community of Žilina (Slovakia), published in 2013, provides the names of the approximately 2,500 Jews from Žilina who were killed in the Holocaust. Only 214 Jews from Žilina returned after the war.

Tibori-Szabó cites Canadian John S. Conway, a close friend of Rudolf Vrba, for citing Dionys Lenard within The Tragedy of Hungarian Jewry. Essays, Documents, Depositions edited by Randolph L. Braham (Boulder, CO: Social Science Monographs, 1986), p. 18. If Conway saw fit to cite the existence of Lenard as a Slovakian escapee, he would have surely consulted his close friend Vrba on this matter, given that Lenard would have been a countryman of Vrba. The extent to which Dionys Lenard succeeded as a whistleblower is not clear. It as alleged by Tibori-Szabó that he was interviewed by the Bratislava Working Group. Hence it could have been Dionys Lenard who provided the first eyewitness report of murders in Nazi concentration camps to Slovakia.

To learn about the history of Jews in Žilina, click here

LENARD & MAJDANEK

“I think that any animal had more value than us.”

Both Rudolf Vrba and Dionys Lenard passed through Novaky, Majdanek and Žilina. Lenard’s parents and sister managed to illegally enter Palestine, only to be sent back to Slovakia by the British. Lenard’s sister Rachel would survive by joining an agricultural commune in Denmark and transiting to Sweden, but his parents were deported to concentration camps in the spring of 1942 and did not survive.

Anyone eager to learn more about the fascinating life of Dionys Lenard, aka Dionýz Lénard, aka Daniel Lenard, is urged to consult a superb investigation of his life that was prepared by Ján Hlavinka, of the Institute of History of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, entitled Dionýz Lénard and Leo (Ladislav) Junger – Escapees from the Lublin District and their Effort to Inform the World About the Mass Killing of Jews. Hlavinka presented his paper in 2015 at a conference called Uncovering the Shoah: Resistance of Jews and Efforts to Inform the World on Genocide that was held in Žilina, Slovakia, August, 25-26, 2015.

As an escapist, Dionys Lenard attempted to blow the whistle on the Holocaust. He escaped from both the Sered labour camp and the living hell of Majdanek. “I think that any animal had more value than us,” he wrote.

Lenard is revealed by Hlavinka as a would-be singer and poet. Incorporating letters written between Lenard and his sister in Denmark, Rakhel Anschel, both Zionists, Hlavinka reveals that the peripatetic Lenard, when recaptured, was deported to the Sachsenhausen concentration camp, then onto the Ohrdruf auxiliary camp, south of Buchenwald, in early 1945, until both sites were liberated by American troops in April. Lenard’s name appears on a list of Buchenwald survivors but Hlavinka (surely the world’s foremost expert on Lenard) concludes that the would-be poet must have died of sickness or exhaustion soon after he regained his freedom. His sister died in 2009 and never learned of his fate. The last letter she received from him was dated August, 11, 1944. In 1961, it was an Israeli historian named Livia Rothkirchen who arranged for the publication, in Hebrew, of the whistleblowing testimony of an “unknown young Jew” testimony who has since been identified as Lenard.

Some other escapists…

It was much easier for non-Jews to escape from one of the approximately 50 sub-camps in the vicinity of Auschwitz. Here is a terse summary from the Auschwitz Museum.

“On July 3, 1944, nine prisoners escaped from an Auschwitz sub camp “Eintrachthütte” through a tunnel under the fences: a Pole – Władysław Rutecki (no. 175641), Polish Jew – Leib Ziziemski (vel Zizmemski, no. 98143), Russians – Luka Didenko (vel Lizniow, no. 175582), Jakob Wiszniewskij (no. 125038), Iwan Vasiukov(no. 175728), Sergiej Michalevskiy (no. 175769), Nikola Titow (no. 175696), Nikolaj Iwanenko (no. 129985), Fedor Ryschynovytsch (vel Griszanowicz, vel Riszanowicz, no. 175681). In the spring of 1944 a dozen prisoners, mainly Russians, as well as two Poles and one Jew, started preparations for the escape directly from the sub-camp premises. Escape plan presupposed drilling a tunnel from the unfinished barracks to the ditch outside the fence, used by the SS men as an air-raid shelter. On May 2 the prisoners began digging the tunnel. Due to its limited dimensions, one prisoner was able to do the work at a time.

“The tunnel was not protected by stanchions, as the ground in this place turned out to be hard. On the other hand, it made the work more difficult. Only the rasp smuggled from the steelworks, converted into a chisel, facilitated the drilling process. The earth which was dug out was spread under the floor of the already mentioned barracks. As it was standing on high foundation, the results of their work were not visible from the outside. Finally, after two months the drilling of the tunnel, which was about 25 meters long, was finished. On July 3 at night the prisoners got to the shelter. Around 1.00 a.m. they started going out in the groups of three. When the third group was leaving the tunnel, a guard on duty on the nearby tower heard some suspicious noises and started shooting. Other guards followed.

“However, the escapees shrouded in darkness managed to leave the area around the camp and then they parted. Władysław Rutecki, Fedor Ryschynowytsch (Griszanowicz) and Luka Didenko (Lizniow) were marching at night in the eastern direction, provided with assistance by the Poles met on their way. In the vicinity of Zawiercie they crossed the border of the General Government and after 15 days from the beginning of the escape they reached Pilica, where they joined partisan units. They fought in their ranks until the arrival of the Red Army. Two other escapees were captured and incarcerated in Auschwitz again. Leib Zizmemski was captured on July 13 near Bielsko and Sergey Michalevskiy on August 8. The fate of the rest remains unknown.”

TWO CATHOLICS

Escape was not the only form of resistance. According to a Gestapo report dated March 18, 1942, Father Karl Golda, a monk from a monastery near Auschwitz, was arrested by the Gestapo for compiling details on conditions in Auschwitz before it was fully transformed into a high-functioning factory for murder. At age 28, as a member of the Order of Salesians (founded by St. John Bosco, 1815-1888), Father Golda was sent to the camp and died there on May 14, 1942, presumably put to death by the camp authorities. [Source: Berichte des SD und der Gestapo Rber Kirchen und Kirchenvolk in Deutschland, 1934-1944, ed. H. Boberach (Mainz, 1971)]. But Golda was not the first person who tried to provide written reportage on Auschwitz.

St. Maximilian Kolbe was canonized as a martyr in 1981 by Pope John Paul II who had lived through the Nazi occupation of Poland.

The Maximilian Kolbe Memorial in same the room in which he and  nine other prisoners were starved to death.

Another non-Jewish religious figure and writer who became noteworthy in Holocaust history was Maximilian Maria Kolbe a Franciscan of the Order of Friars Minor Conventual (OFM Conv). He was also a publisher. Born on January 8, 1894, he helped his Friars publish pamphlets, books and a daily newspaper (Maly Dziennik). His monthly magazine reputedly grew to have a circulation of over one million. With 650 Friars, he oversaw the largest Catholic retreat in Europe. As someone who also studied Buddhism, he was considered dangerous by the Nazis. After the appearance of a book called Christian Martydom and Political Violence, he was arrested by the Gestapo [created in 1933] for sheltering Jews on February 17, 1941 and taken from Niepokalanów to Warsaw for several months of interrogation.

After Kolbe was shipped to Auschwitz on May 25, 1941, he was often beaten savagely by guards who resented his deep faith, equanimity and dignity. In July, after one of the inmates escaped from the camp, the the Deputy Commander of Auschwitz ordered ten inmates from the same block to be starved to death in an underground bunker. As prisoner #16670, Kolbe volunteered to die in place of a man he didn’t know (Franciszek Gajowniczek) because he learned the man had a wife and children. Gajowniczek survived and ultimately reunited with his family in Poland. He was present when Kolbe was eventually beatified as Confessor of the Faith in 1971. Visitors to Auschwitz will find a plaque in an underground cell that recognizes Kolbe’s sacrifice. Most do not know that the monastery that Father Kolbe founded on a mountainside on the outskirts of Nagasaki during the early 1930s (before he returned to Poland in 1936) survived the atom bomb that was dropped on Nagasaki in 1945.

Kolbe is now rightly revered for his self-sacrifice but few know his bravery, at the end of July, 1941, was not unprecedented. On April 23, 1941, in response to an escape, the SS commenced their practice of picking ten prisoners from the Block in which the escapee had lived and sending them to a bunker without food or water, to die of starvation.  A Polish physics teacher in Block 2, Marian Batko, born in 1901 in Cracow, volunteered to be taken in order to spare the life of his 16-year-old pupil, Mieczysław Pronobis, from Tarnów (prisoner # 9313). Batko (prisoner #11795) died in the punishment Block 11 four days later. He was the first of the ten condemned men to die. His sacrifice is commemorated as Polish Teachers’ Day of Remembrance and Peace, annually on April 27th.

FOUR JEWISH ESCAPEES FROM BUNA/MONOWITZ

Far less cited is the escape from Auschwitz I, in July of 1944, that was made by Josef ‘Pepi’ Meisel (1911-1993), as noted on page 60 of Hermann Langbein’s People in Auschwitz (1995). Langbein merely describes Meisel as a member of the Communist Part who had been sent from Belgium to Vienna with false papers, then incarcerated in Auschwitz as a political prisoner. In fact, Meisel, was a raised as a carpenter’s son in Vienna. As a member of the Communist Youth of Austria, he was involved in street fights, went to Czechoslovakia and was deported to the Soviet Union where he attended the International Lenin School in Moscow for two years. Returning to Austria, he was arrested in October of 1936 but was amnestied in February of 1938. In April, as as commander of the Edgar Andre Battalion of the International Brigades, he fought for the communists against the Franco dictatorship during the Spanish Civil War.

After his Republican side was defeated, Meisel illegally entered France in February of 1939, then entered Belgium two months later. Arrested by the occupying German army in May of 1940, he was placed in a French P.O.W. work camp, only to escape in July and serve in the French resistance. After Meisel was re-captured and tortured by the Gestapo in May of 1943, he was eventually sent as a political prisoner to the original KZ Auschwitz (camp I) in February of 1944. As prisoner #173,943, he became active in the camp underground, thereby coming into contact with Langbein, who explained how Nazi bureaucracy enabled Meisel’s ultimately fortunate fate:

“A Jew who was sent to Auschwitz because of a political offense did not arrive on a RSHA transport but on one of the many transports that were directed to Auschwitz from German prisons. Hence, he did not have to undergo a selection, for he was accompanied by a Gestapo file, whereas those deported to Auschwitz on a RSHA transport had no such file.  If, at a later date, he fell victim to a selection because of physical weakness, the Political Department pulled him out of the ranks of those earmarked for death. Before those selected were taken to the gas chamber, their numbers were sent to the department, and anyone who had a file there was removed from the list… The file that accompanied him when he was sent to Auschwitz contained references to his political activity. Meisel was safe from camp selection, but there was no doubt that sooner or later the Vienna Gestapo would notify the camp admininstration that he had been sentenced to death. We helped Meisel to escape successfully.”

According to the Auschwitz Museum: “Two Jews, Josef ‘Pepi’ Meisel from Austria and Szymon Zajdow from Poland, escaped in late July 1944 with the help of the camp resistance movement and the local underground. Władysław Pytlik and Danuta Bystroń of the Brzeszcze PPS group delivered them to PPS couriers, who smuggled them to Cracow, where local socialists helped them remain in hiding until liberation.” No doubt based on the Auschwitz Museum statement, Wikipedia has reiterated that Meisel escaped on July 22, 1944 with a veteran Polish communist Szymon Zajdow-Wojnarek, prisoner #27,832, who also fought in the Spanish Civil War. It is not clear how or where the pair remained hidden in the Krakow area until Russian forces liberated the area. All of Meisel’s relatives were killed by war’s end. He remained a committed Communist in Vienna, lost a political clash with Langbein, worked in a dairy near Vienna and was buried in Vienna. The post-war fate of Zajdow-Wojnarek is unknown.

If the preceding two paragraphs can be confirmed, it’s possible that Meisel and Zajdow-Wojnarek were the seventh and eighth Jews to successfully escape from Auschwitz, but there is no written evidence, thus far, beyond these conjectures.

PHOTO:  Josef ‘Pepi’ Meisel (left) as a soldier fighting against Franco during the Spanish Civil War, prior to incarceration in Auschwitz, seen here alongside Chil Szraga and Pinkus Kartin.

*

According to the Auschwitz Museum, a Nowa Wieś resident named Józef Wróna organized an escape for two Jewish prisoners, Max Drimmer and Mendel (or Hermann) Scheingesicht, who were labourers at the IG Farben chemical plant in September of 1944.

As a civilian worker on the site, Wróna accompanied them out of the camp and hid them at his home. The pair or runaways took refuge for four months in the Wrónas’ barn, hiding behind a chicken coop with a trap door. Unable to connect with local partisans, as hoped, they subsequently fled to Gleiwitz, Poland, where the Schlesinger family provided them with refuge during the final days of the war.

Born on October 4, 1922 in Berlin, Hermann Scheingesicht was later known as Herman Shine. According to his testimony given  to the USC Shoah Foundation in 1997, he was taken to Sachsensausen concentration camp in 1939 along with 1,700 other Jews with Polish passports. On October of 1942, he and friend Max Drimmer were sent to the Auschwitz subcamp of Buna/Monowitz as labourers. Born in Magdeburg on March 25, 1920, Max was the son of Moritz and Fanny Drimmer. She was deported to Riga in 1942 and died in Auschwitz. His father would considered to be a missing person in Poland.

According to the Wollheim Memorial, “In the selection upon arrival, he [Max Drimmer] was separated from his friends, Mendel Scheingesicht (later Herman Shine) and Bully Schott. Behind the back of the SS physician, he sneaked over to their side and thus avoided death in the gas chamber for the first time.

“Max Drimmer was taken to the Buna/Monowitz concentration camp. While he was doing forced labor at the I.G. Farben construction site, a steel beam crushed one of his feet, and he spent eight weeks in the infirmary, where he also developed tuberculosis. After a partial convalescence, he was assigned to a work detachment that did pipe insulation; it was headed by his friend Leo Brenner.

Max had met a Polish civilian worker, Józef Wróna, at the construction site, and Wróna offered to help him escape. While working at a nearby camp, his friend Mendel/Herman had met a half-Jewish woman named Marianne Schlesinger.

According to the USC Shoah Foundation, “When the two men heard that they were to be killed in 1944, they devised an escape plan with the help of a Polish laborer. During a work detail, they hid in a shed under insulation used for the camp’s heating system. More than a day later, they put on work clothes and snuck through an opening in the camp’s fence and made the perilous journey to the laborer’s home. But when Germans came looking for them, Shine decided to return to stay with the family of the girl he befriended. When the war ended, Shine and Schlesinger were married and they moved near San Francisco, along with Drimmer. They all remained close until Drimmer died in 2012.”

In an USC interview, Shine described the trio’s escape, moving on his stomach, “with the Gestapo all over, Max and me.” Józef Wrona had a wirecutter to facilitate the way out. It was a moonless night. Max once got caught on the wire but they freed him. They walked in the forest, close to the main street. They eventually came upon some civilians who did not give away their whereabouts.  They were expecting a car to come up and pick them up and take them to the Polish underground. After about two kilometres of walking, a car appeared. They hid behind a tree until they were certain it would be safe. The car contained the kommandant and some guards. They kept walking, staying about fifty feet behind Józef. “He had a gun in his pocket,” Shine recalled. “We figured, oh, if anything goes wrong he shoots us and gets the reward. If we are dead, we can’t talk.” Josef told them, after about five kilometres, unfortunately the car cannot come. They had to walk another twelve kilometres to get to his home. Max and Hermann objected; Josef suggested they could always go back to the camp, if they liked…

According to the Auschwitz Museum, “When Wrona learned that the Gestapo was looking for him, he had to leave home and go into hiding himself. Before doing so, he found the two escapees a hiding place with a friend in Silesia, where they remained safely until liberation….”

In Berlin after the war, Max Drimmer briefly worked for the Soviet armed forces before he returned to Berlin and met his pre-war girlfriend Herta Zowe. They married on February 17, 1946, in a double wedding with Mendel Scheingesicht and Marianne Schlesinger. Mendel/Max had met while working at an Auschwitz satellite camp at Gleiwitz where she was also a Jewish captive. The couples were not able to emigrate to the United States until March of 1947 because of Max Drimmer had tuberculosis.

Herman & Marianne as groom & bride

In San Francisco, California, Shine went into the roofing business and founded the Standard Roofing Company in 1956. He had one daughter. Drimmer worked as a baker, then later as a plumber, and had two sons. Drimmer died on August 14, 2012 at age 92, while Shine was still living in San Mateo. He died three years later on June 23, 2015.

Drimmer and Shine were the subject of a 2001 documentary directed by Josh Springer, Escape from Auschwitz. A portrait of a friendship.

Herman Shine

Also see:

Max Drimmer, oral history interview [Eng.], October 6, 1997. USC Shoah Foundation Institute, Survivors of the Shoah Visual History Archive, Code 34008.

Max Drimmer, oral history interview [Eng.], July 3, 2007. Archive of the Fritz Bauer Institute, Norbert Wollheim Memorial.

*

Next: LEDERER WAS FIRST